A cursory glance at the fragmented information surrounding the Qumran community gives the impression that little can be learned about the secluded group. However a closer examination of primary sources such as the Dead Sea Scrolls provides the opportunity to creatively explore the life and practices of the community residing at Qumran. Interestingly there are differing, and conflicting, accounts of the discovery of the first scroll cache, Cave 1. Suffice to say that the first cave was found by members of the Bedouin tribe Ta’amireh sometime around 1946 and 1947. Despite a tumultuous journey the seven scrolls recovered from Cave 1 were eventually acquired by the state of Israel and currently reside in the Israel Museum in Jerusalem.[1]
Eventually a number of other caves containing fragments of various scrolls dated from second century BCE to first century CE were also discovered.[2] These findings took place in close proximity to the ruins of Qumran – in fact one cave is only accessible via the Qumran settlement.[3] Interestingly there are a number of competing opinions concerning the function of the ruin, ranging from a military fortification to a wealthy private residence, however a majority of scholars support the view that the settlement played host to a first century Jewish religious community.[4] It would be prudent to note that scholars have limited verifiable information regarding the community residing at Qumran and as such much of what is ‘known’ about the group is in reality little more than educated guesswork. However due to their spatial proximity to the ruins as well as numerous parallels between the contents of the Dead Sea Scrolls and various writings from antiquity, some of which will be explored presently, general scholarly opinion associates the scrolls with the residents of the Qumran settlement.[5] This is worthy of note as it suggests that it is possible to learn about the Qumran community by delving into the writings contained within the caves and by exploring the parallels between the content of the scrolls and writings from antiquity.
One such parallel can be found in how the scrolls have proven helpful in assisting with the identification of the group through their collaboration of data gleaned from the Roman author Pliny the Elder. Pliny provides a geographical description of a community consisting of Essenes, a sub-group of ancient Judaism, which appears to match the location of the Qumran site.[6] While there remains debate concerning his description of the location of the Essene community general consensus among scholars appears to be that Pliny’s geographical report matches that of the Qumran site.[7]
Regardless of Pliny’s geographical explanation there are other factors which further lend weight to associating his description of the Essenes with the community residing at Qumran. For example Pliny stated that the Essenes lived together “without money”[8] and this statement is supported by another author from antiquity, Josephus in ‘Antiquities’ 18:20, who stated that the Essenes “hold their possessions in common”.[9] The Dead Sea Scroll entitled ‘The Rule of the Community’ appears to correlate these statements, most especially in column 6 verses 17-22, when it specifies how a community applicant’s wealth was to be integrated into the wider communal fund.[10] Therefore, assuming that the scrolls in the caves belonged to the group at Qumran, this parallel between The Rule of the Community and writings from antiquity suggests that the group at Qumran were in fact Essenes.
This parallel between these writers from antiquity and The Rule of the Community not only indicates the identity of the group it also provides an insight into the life of the Qumran community. It appears that in order to reside at Qumran one was required to apply for the right of admittance and that part of becoming admitted to the community entailed giving all ones wealth, including property, to the group.[11] However a cursory reading of The Rule of the Community indicates that the entry process involved far more than the simple handing over of personal wealth and consisted of a series of stages of assessment.[12] It appears that there was an initial period of instruction and preparation on the part of an applicant which Josephus suggests took a year to complete.[13] At the culmination of this time period the applicant was assessed and if they passed the examination the candidate was allowed to join the community on a probationary level for approximately one year during which time their spiritual fitness was assessed.[14] Interestingly, during this period the applicant was not allowed to share food or drink with fully fledged community members.[15]
After another year of learning and instruction the community leadership enrolled the successful applicant “at the appropriate rank among his brothers for discussion of the Law, jurisprudence, participation in pure meals, and admixture of property. Thenceforth the Yahad may draw upon his counsel and judgement.”[16] Vanderkam and Flint suggest that this path towards admittance “seems to be a progressive movement from a state of ritual impurity to greater and greater levels of purity.”[17] As such scholars have posited that the Qumran community placed a high value upon personal and communal ritual purity.
That the Qumran community appears to have placed a high value upon ritual purity is highlighted further by the archaeological discovery of miqva’ot, or ritual baths, in the Qumran ruins. Many of the miqva’ot discovered at Qumran are similar in design to some ritual baths discovered in Jerusalem and feature divided staircases “which would have protected those emerging purified… from defilement by those descending prior to immersion”.[18] Worthy of note is that the potential identification of the Qumran community as Essene is further supplemented here as the Essenes believed that “a stream of liquid… transmits the uncleanness of an impure vessel into which it is poured to the clean vessel from which it was poured. When the liquid form[ed] a continuous stream from one container to the other, it is a conduit for ritual impurity”.[19] Once again a parallel can be found in the Dead Sea Scrolls in column 12 verses 15-17 of the Damascus Document where a liquid is identified as a conduit for impurity.[20] Assuming the scrolls found in the caves belonged to the Qumran community this indicates that the group believed that liquids transmitted ritual impurity hence the specific design of the miqva’ot.[21]
Interestingly while the Sadducees also held a similar theological view the Pharisaic movement believed impurity was not conveyed in this manner.[22] This combined with the architectural similarities between miqva’ot discovered in Qumran and Jerusalem has led some scholars to suggest that the Qumran community belonged to the Sadducee movement.[23] However while this belief was shared by both the Sadducees and the Essenes other theological beliefs contained within the scrolls arguably discredit the identification of the Qumran community members as Sadducees.[24] This means that scholars are able to make further educated suggestions regarding the theological beliefs of the Qumran community due to the likelihood of their being Essenes.
According to Josephus, “the doctrine of the Essenes is wont to leave everything in the hands of God”[25] which in of itself is revealing since the Pharisees and Sadducees both held to differing doctrine in regards to fate.[26] Assuming once again that the scrolls found in the caves belong to the Qumran community, the scrolls provide an indication of the group holding similar theological beliefs. Vanderkam and Flint highlight an element of this deterministic worldview within the theology of the scrolls.[27] For example The Rule of the Community states that “from the God of knowledge stems all there is and all there shall be. Before they existed he made all their plans and when they came into being they will execute all their works in compliance with his instructions, according to his glorious design without altering anything.”[28] This excerpt not only provides an insight into the theological beliefs of the community it once again also strengthens the case for identifying the Qumran community as Essene.
Interestingly whilst much of scholarly knowledge concerning the Qumran community is informed by a variety of sources much less is known concerning the groups gender balance and view towards celibacy. As previously highlighted; in regards to the groups view towards ritual purity, its in-depth admission process and financial practices data can be gleaned from at least one source parallel to another. However in regards to the role, let alone presence, of women within the community our three primary data sources provide conflicting accounts of sthe groups beliefs and practices. For example, writings from antiquity indicate that the Qumran community was comprised solely of men and upheld a staunchly pro-celibacy stance.[29] However there is little in the scrolls themselves which supports, or for that matter contradicts, this assertion.[30] This in turn could arguably be at odds with ones expectations of a group espousing the spiritual benefits of celibacy – would not such a group provide an indication of its theological basis for such a lifestyle? There is also the fact that archaeological investigations have uncovered grave yards containing both male and female remains.[31] Furthermore the Damascus Document scroll appears to describe a sub-group of the community who resided apart from Qumran within towns and cities with families.[32] As a result modern scholars lack the ability to categorically state whether the Qumran community was celibate or exclusively male although academic discourse continues in this regard.[33]
As highlighted previously, scholars have limited verifiable information regarding the community residing at Qumran. However the physical location of the caves containing the Dead Sea Scrolls combined with archaeological discoveries and a vast array of circumstantial evidence gleaned from writings from antiquity concerning the Jewish sub-group the Essenes provides researchers with the ability to draw tentative conclusions concerning the theology, practices and values of the Qumran community.
[1] James Vanderkam and Peter Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus and Christianity (New York: Harper One, 2004), 3-15) & Florentino Garcia Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated: The Qumran Texts in English, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1996), xxxvi-xxxvii
[2] Paul Trebilco, Interpreting the New Testament Course reader (Dunedin: Otago University Department of Theology and Religion, 2013), 25-26
[3] Ibid., 25 & Vanderkam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994), 19
[4] Ibid., 27-30
[5] Ibid., 30
[6] Geza Vermes, An Introduction To The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999), 124
[7] Ibid., 124 & Vanderkam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 240-241
[8] John J. Collins, Beyond the Qumran Community: The Sectarian Movement of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2010), 143
[9] George W. E. Nickelsburg and Michael E. Stone (eds.), Early Judaism: Texts and Documents on Faith and Piety (rev. ed.; Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 2009), 30
[10] Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 3 & 10
[11] Vanderkam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 246-247
[12] Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 3-14 & Trebilco, Course Reader, 30-31
[13] Vanderkam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 248
[14] Ibid., 248 & Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 10
[15] Ibid., 10
[16] The Rule of the Community 6:22-23 as translated in Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 10
[17] Vanderkam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 248
[18] Jodie Magness, “The Orion Virtual Qumran Tour: Water System, ” The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 19/02/2009, http://virtualqumran.huji.ac.il/tour/VirtualTourIntroduction.htm?page=VTWaterSystem.htm (18/9/2012)
[19] James C. Vanderkam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010), 120
[20] Florentino Garcia Martinez, The DSS Translated (New York: Brill, 1994), 43
[21] Ibid., 108
[22] James C. Vanderkam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010), 120
[23] Vanderkam, Dead Sea Scrolls Today, 119-120
[24] Vanderkam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today, 121
[25] Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, 18:18 as quoted in Vanderkam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 242
[26] Ibid., 244
[27] Ibid., 242-244
[28] Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 6
[29] Josephus and Pliny in Vanderkam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today, 116
[30] Ibid., 117
[31] Ibid., 25-26
[32] Ibid., 118
[33] Ibid., 118
Akakiro Lokolong 